YVONNE'S TAKE: Of Messianic solutions and risks

Yvonne Okwara
By Yvonne Okwara April 02, 2026 11:58 (EAT)
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There is an emerging pattern, subtle, almost well-intentioned on the surface, but one that deserves a second, more careful look.

It is the steady construction of something resembling a messianic instinct in leadership. The idea that, perhaps, all problems can be solved by one individual. That where institutions falter or are perceived to falter, a single figure can step in, steady the ship, and restore order.

On the face of it, this may appear admirable. A leader who listens. A leader who responds. A leader who is, quite literally, only a call away.

But beneath that surface lies a more complicated question, at what point does responsiveness begin to erode the very institutions designed to serve us, and at what point can that be manipulated?

Take, for instance, disputes within private institutions. Professionals, unable to resolve internal disagreements, appeal, not to regulatory bodies, not to the frameworks set out in law, but to a patron.

We are told even patients, dissatisfied and distressed, make the same appeal. And the patron, obliging as ever, steps in.

It is worth pausing here.

Because this is not for lack of structure. The Companies Act alone runs into hundreds upon hundreds of provisions, meticulously crafted to anticipate conflict, mismanagement, and human frailty. It does not imagine perfection, it anticipates failure. And it provides remedies.

The same can be said of succession law. Entire volumes dedicated to the delicate, often painful realities of inheritance, death, and dispute. They do not call for benevolence. They call for process. For evidence. For adjudication.

And yet, increasingly, we are invited to believe that where these systems exist, a higher, more immediate recourse may be available. A direct line, if you will.

Even markets, long neglected, poorly managed, undeniably in need of reform, now appear to find resolution not through urban planning, county governance, or structured policy, but through appeal to this same centre of gravity.

It is, in many ways, reminiscent of an earlier era. A time when authority was centralised not just in law, but in persona.

When one office, one individual, was chancellor, patron, arbiter, and final word. When institutions existed, yes, but often in the shadow of a singular will.

We moved away from that model deliberately.

A new constitutional order sought to disperse power. To anchor it in systems rather than personalities. To ensure that no matter how capable, how energetic, or how well-meaning a leader might be, the burden of resolving every dispute would not, and should not, rest on their shoulders.

Because there is a thin line between accessibility and overreach. Between leadership and omnipresence. Between being responsive, and becoming the default solution to every problem.

And it is along that line that a dangerous idea sometimes takes root, the notion of the benevolent dictator.

The strong hand that gets things done. The decisive figure who cuts through bureaucracy. The one who delivers where systems delay.

It is an idea that has found quiet favour in different corners of our continent, particularly in moments of frustration.

But history is rarely kind to such thinking.

Because the distance between a benevolent hand and an authoritarian one is not as wide as we might like to believe.

Power, once concentrated, rarely remains selectively applied. And what begins as intervention can, over time, evolve into expectation, and then into entitlement.

That is how authoritarianism often arrives, not with fanfare, but gradually. Through small concessions. Through convenience. Through the quiet surrender of process in favour of immediacy.

This is not to question intent. It may well be driven by a desire to act, to be seen to act, and to act decisively.

After all, decisive leadership has its appeal, especially in moments of frustration, when institutions feel slow, distant, or unresponsive.

But institutions do not become stronger by being bypassed. They become stronger by being used, tested, and, where necessary, reformed.

Otherwise, we risk nurturing a quiet but consequential shift, from a nation governed by laws, to one increasingly guided by personal intervention. From systems we can hold accountable, to discretion we cannot.

And that is a far more difficult thing to reverse.

Because the question is not whether one individual can solve many problems.

It is whether a nation should ever need them to.

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